The Age Of Manufacturing That Preceded The Romantic Movement

The age of manufacturing that preceded the Romantic Movement was characterized by industrialization and scientific, professional thinking. The philosophy of the era teaches that thoughts and assertions are only meaningful if they can be confirmed with evidence or valid reasoning. As a result, any assertion about entities from the abstract or conceptual alike, whether a statement about mermaids and unicorns or God and nature, is considered meaningless since they cannot be confirmed by factual report. This all started changing when the future leaders of the enlightenment decided that we should resort to more emotional thinking. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, one of the leaders of the enlightenment observed that science was transforming Europe into unemotional machines. He says, Man was born free, but everywhere he is in chains...Let us return to nature.† (Schaeffer 154) Rousseau foresaw a threat to general freedom of thought, which thus sparked the Romantic Movement. Two poets that roman ced nature during this era were: William Wordsworth (1770-1850) and John Keats (1795-1821). â€Å"To Autumn† by John Keats and â€Å"Lines Composed a Few Miles above Tintern Abbey† by William Wordsworth are both comparable and representative of the Romantic Movement. They have separate techniques and application, but are both recognized as significant works of Romanticism. The themes in both poems emphasize nature, emotion, and the capacity for wonder and imagination, which reiterate the sentiments of the era.Show MoreRelatedThe Life And Adventures Of Mary Shelley s Frankenstein And The Modern Prometheus1780 Words   |  8 Pagesgenre was a reaction to the Age of reason. The age of reason preceded the enlightenment but was after the renaissance period. The main driving force of the age of reason emphasized the power of the human mind. As a matter of fact, it was during this age of reason that Humanists first developed their ideas. 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It was the age of Delluc, Epstein, Balà ¡zs, Eisenstein . . . Every film critic was something of a theoretician, a filmologist. Today, we tend to smile at this attitude; at any rate we believe, more or less surely, that the criticism of individual films states allRead MoreStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. 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Why Is Media Effects Important Free Essays

16 CHAPTER 1 paradigm† (Gitlin, 1978), more powerful, yet subtle effects, such as social control, manufacturing of consent, and reluctance to challenge the status quo, are unable to be studied; so they are ignored. WHY IS IT IMPORTANT TO STUDY MEDIA EFFECTS With all these questions about the existence and substance of media effects, why is it important to continue to study them? Students in introductory mass communication courses are often reminded that mass communication is functional in society (Wright, 1986) and an important field of study because of its role as a major societal institution. Mass communication is an important economic force in the United States. We will write a custom essay sample on Why Is Media Effects Important or any similar topic only for you Order Now In 1993, the entertainment industry alone (movies, music, cable television, and home video) brought an estimated $50 billion into the U. S. economy. Network television advertising added an additional $30 billion (Warner, 1993). Mass communication is also an important political force, acting as a watchdog over official actions and as the platform for political information and activity. The Watergate scandal, for example, was brought to light by the Washington Post and the Pentagon papers were first published by the New York Times. Political campaigns are now built around television. In 1992, the Republicans spent two-thirds of their budget on television advertisements for George Bush. Talk shows and news program coverage are crucial to campaigns. Our political leaders contact the public primarily through the mass media—press conferences, political talks. Ronald Reagan noticed that there was little political news that was made during the weekends, so he (an old radio announcer, himself) began to make radio addresses about various issues on Saturday mornings. These addresses got so much news coverage (Martin, 1984), in part because there was so little else happening, that Saturday morning radio talks are a current presidential practice. At the same time, mass media are a major source of entertainment and the main source for news for most people. In 1995, a majority of people in the United States turned to media for news: 70. 3% were regular viewers of local television news, 67. 3% were regular viewers of network television news, and 59. 3% read a daily newspaper. In INTRODUCTION 17 addition, 48. % listened regularly to radio news and 31. 4% read a news magazine regularly (Stempel Hargrove, 1996). Beyond the importance of mass communication in society, there are two main reasons for continuing to study media effects. The first reason is theoretical. Although most scholars acknowledge that mass media effects can occur, we still don’t know the magnitude and inevitability of the effects. That is, we don’t know how powerful the media are among the range of other forces in society. And, we don’t know all the conditions that enhance or mitigate various effects. Most importantly, we don’t understand all the processes by which mass communication can lead to various effects. Research in media effects must continue to add to our knowledge. A second reason for studying media effects is practical and policy oriented. If we can elaborate the conditions and understand the various processes of media effects—how media effects occur—we can use that knowledge. At a practical level, understanding the processes of media effects will allow media practitioners to create effective messages to achieve political, advertising, and public relations-oriented goals. Additionally, agencies will be able to formulate media campaigns to promote prosocial aims and benefit society as a whole. That is, understanding the processes of media effects will allow media practitioners to increase the likelihood of prosocial media effects. Most importantly, understanding how media effects occur will give parents, educators, and public officials other tools to fight negative media effects. If we understand the processes of media effects, we will also understand how to mitigate negative effects. No longer will changing or restricting media content be the only methods to stop media effects. We will be able to mitigate negative media effects by also targeting aspects of the process of impact. WAYS TO CONCEPTUALIZE MEDIA EFFECTS: DIMENSIONS OF MEDIA EFFECTS Over the years, scholars have suggested that it is useful to analyze media effects along specific dimensions (Anderson Meyer, 1988; Chaffee, 1977; McGuire, 1986; J. M. McLeod, Kosicki, Pan, 1991; J. M. McLeod Reeves, 1980; Roberts Maccoby, 1985). Some of the dimensions delineate the type of effect; other dimensions elaborate the conditions of media impact. 18 CHAPTER 1 Cognitive-Affective-Behavioral Dimension Media effects are commonly described along a cognitive-affectivebehavioral dimension, which marks a distinction between acquisition of knowledge about an action and performance of the action. Mass communication scholars have been greatly influenced by persuasion models that see human action as logical and driven by cognition (e. g. , McGuire, 1985). This dimension is important in keeping scholars from assuming that knowledge and attitudes translate directly into action. Persuasion research during World War II, for example, found that although media content may be quite effective at teaching information, it had less influence on attitude formation and motivation to act (Hovland, Lumsdaine, Sheffield, 1949). The Theory of Reasoned Action (Fishbein Ajzen, 1975) posits that, although knowledge and attitudes have some impact on behavior, their influence is mediated (or eliminated) by social constraints. Micro- Versus Macrolevel Another dimension that describes the type of effect is one that focuses on the level of media influence: micro- versus macrolevel. Most concern about media effects focuses on impressionable audiences and has been grounded in psychological approaches. So, there is a wealth of research on media effects at the individual, or microlevel. It is a fallacy, however, to assume that all media effects are accumulations of individual-level effects. Scholars recognize that a focus solely on individual-level media effects can obscure more subtle societal-level effects. Research on the effects of Sesame Street, for example, showed that children of all socioecomic status (SES) classes learned from the program. But, that learning led to another, unintended effect: a widening gap in knowledge between higher and lower SES groups. Although all children learned from the program, children from higher SES families learned at a faster rate (Cook et al. , 1975). So, individual knowledge gain may lead to greater inequities in society. Another area in which an accumulation of individual-level effects might conceal more macrolevel effects is news learning. Although many researchers have uncovered various media-related influences on public-affairs knowledge (e. g. , J. P. Robinson Levy, 1986, 1996), these studies cannot assess the completeness, accuracy, or objectivity of media’s presentations about public affairs. Several scholars argue that larger influences on news gathering and reporting may make INTRODUCTION 19 ndividual-level knowledge effects inconsequential because news sources and practices present only limited public affairs information to the public (e. g. , Gitlin, 1980; Herman Chomsky, 1988; Tuchman, 1978). So, knowledge gain by individuals may not necessarily be functional for society. Several important effects of mass media maybe at the societal, institutional, or cultural level. Over the years, for example, the expanding telecommunications revolution has changed, and no doubt will continue to affect how political campaigns and the workings of govern-ment are conducted. Clearly, scholars need to consider various levels of media impact. Intentional Versus Unintentional Another dimension of media effects directs scholars to consider whether the effects are intended versus unintended—planned for or accidental. Although this dimension is a descriptive one, it also offers some insights in the processes of media impact. For example, the development of knowledge gaps between high and lower SES children who watched Sesame Street is generally considered an unintended effect of the flow of media information. So, cholars and media policymakers study ways to close accidental knowledge gaps by increasing access to a variety of sources of information, by making information more relevant to lower SES groups, or by increasing the motivation of lower SES audience members to seek additional information. The identification of these knowledge-gap effects as accidental, then, has led scholars to focus on how knowledge is carried by the mass media, how audiences a ccess that knowledge, and how people use media-delivered information. Another example of the relevance of the intended versus unintended dimension is one effect of television violence. The cultivation hypothesis suggests that one, often overlooked, effect of television violence is that it affects social perceptions of heavy viewers and leads those groups who are victimized in television drama to feel fearful, alienated from society, and distrusting of others (Gerbner Gross, 1976; Gerbner et al. , 1994). If scholars believe that these effects are unintentional due to the conventions of television drama production, they might advocate certain remedies to help mitigate these effects, such as television program ratings to help fearful people avoid certain programs or to help parents screen what their children watch. If, on the other 20 CHAPTER 1 hand, scholars believe that cultivation is an intentional effect designed to reinforce the existing power structure in society by structuring reality for women and minorities so that they avoid involvement in political affairs, possible solutions would be quite different. Those scholars (at the very least) would be less trusting of television program ratings affixed by television producers and probably not advocate that sort of solution to cultivation effects. Studying unintended effects can be a way of increasing media effectiveness. Dramatic story lines in soap operas and telenovelas have been found to not only captivate their audiences but bring about knowledge gain and some prosocial attitudinal effects (e. g. , Singhal Rogers, 1989). So this dimension of media effects directs scholars to search for a range of effects, beyond those planned for the media producers. Content-Dependent Versus Content-Irrelevant The content-dependent versus a content- irrelevant distinction reflects the impact of specific classes of media content as opposed to the impact of media use itself. The most visible media effects research has focused on the effects of specific media content, such as stereotypes, violence, and pornography. This research assumes that specific content is linked to specific effects. As J. M. McLeod and Reeves (1980) paraphrase the nutritional analogy, â€Å"We are what we eat†: We are what we watch. So, one way to reduce aggressive behavior in children would be to reduce the amount of violent media content that they read or watch. Or, one way to reduce sexual aggression against women would be to reduce access to media content that depicts violence against women. Although there is a good deal of evidence of the effects of specific media content, scholars should also be aware that some effects are due less to specific media content, and more to the form of the content or the act of media use. Displacement effects are a commonly identified content-irrelevant effect. Lazarsfeld and Merton (1948) suggested that political involvement could suffer if people become politically â€Å"narcotized. That is, public affairs media use might replace real political action and some people might be informed, but politically apathetic. Watching television has been attributed with lower academic achievement because children are replacing homework and study with television watching (Armstrong Greenberg, 1990; Hornik, 1978). INTRODUCTION 21 Other content-irrelevant effects maybe due to the form of the media presentation. Tavris (1 988) is one writer who has suggested that television’s regular commercial interruptions has led to shorter attention spans. Scholars (Shannon Weaver, 1949) investigating how information theory is relevant to media effects have found that the randomness of television’s formal features are connected to aggressive responses (Watt Krull, 1977). Kozma (1991) speculated how the form and use of different media lead to different learning styles and outcomes. And there is a good deal of evidence that arousing media content, whether it is violent, pornographic, or suspenseful, can lead to similar excitation effects (Zillmann, 1980, 1982). In order to understand how media effects occur, we need to uncover, first, if they are content-relevant or content-irrelevant. Short Term Versus Long Term Media effects can be long or short term. This dimension is not only a descriptive one, but also helps describe the process of media effects. When we examine media effects, we need to question how long the effect is theoretically expected to last. Some effects, such as increased arousal (or relaxation) are relatively short term, and disappear quickly. Others, such as agenda setting, may last somewhat longer, but may disappear as the media agenda changes. Still other effects, such as the social learning of aggressive behavior, are expected to be fairly enduring, especially if the aggressive behavior, once performed, is rewarded. Some theories do not specify the persistence of their effects. Do the stereotypes that children learn from television persist even as children watch less and less television as they get older? How long do the effects of televised political ads (and their associated voting intentions) last? What are the possibilities that new ads (and new information) will change voting intentions? And what are the implications of differing periods of influence? Clearly, short-term effects can have a profound impact. If, for example, a short-term arousal effect of a violent film leads someone to get involved in a fight, permanent injury could result. But, if agenda-setting effects last only as long as an issue stays near the top of the media agenda, what long-lasting impacts can result? Media effects scholars should be clear in specifying the duration of the effects that they study. 22 CHAPTER 1 Reinforcement Versus Change A final dimension of media effects is that of reinforcement versus change. Does media exposure alter or stabilize? The most visible media effects studies focus on how media content or exposure changes the audience (or society or culture). For example, we are concerned how placid children might be changed into aggressive ones by watching violent cartoons. Or that respectful men will change into uncaring desensitized oafs through exposure to pornography. Or that voters might have their political values adjusted through exposure to political ads. Or that ignorant citizens will become knowledgeable through exposure to public affairs news. And so on. There is evidence, though, that communication’s strongest effect, overall, is reinforcement and stabilization. Selective exposure leads people to prefer media messages that reinforce their preexisting views. Selective perception points out that people interpret media content to reinforce their attitudes. Because it is often easier to observe change than reinforcement, we often neglect media’s power to stabilize. Advertisements that keep supporters active in a political campaign and keep them from wavering in support yield important effects. Media content that reinforces the already existing aggressive tendencies of a young boy may be an even more important influence than prosocial messages that have little impact. We must be careful not to equate reinforcement effects with null effects. CONCLUSION The study of media effects is grounded in the belief that mass communication has noticeable effects on individuals, society, and culture. Evidence for these effects, though, is problematic. On one hand, despite consistence findings of effects, the variance accounted for is typically small. Moreover, the strongest effects are usually relegated to laboratory settings, which are highly artificial settings. There are, however, several reasons to expect that research underestimates media effects. Our models, theories, and methods are still imprecise; we still cannot offer complete explanations for media effects. The study of media effects remains important so that we can increase understanding of the role mass communication plays in shaping our lives. Awareness of the process of media effects will allow us to use mass communication effectively—to maximize desirable outcomes and minimize negative effects. How to cite Why Is Media Effects Important, Essay examples

Effectiveness of Lifestyle Interventions in the Prevention of Type 2

Question: Discuss about the Effectiveness of Lifestyle Interventions in the Prevention of Type 2 Diabetes Among Adults: A Systematic Review. Answer: Literature Review The rise of noncommunicable diseases in recent decades has stood out as a significant public health problem for both developed and developing countries. This rise is primarily attributed to both an ageing population, and also the shift to nutrition and dietary habits of the western world and the sedentary lifestyles. This shift, especially and dietary habits is influence by both development (socioeconomic and technological), urbanisation and globalisation (Alouki, Delisle, Bermdez-Tamayo, Johri, 2016). Diabetes stands out as one of the major noncommunicable disease attributable to nutrition. Its worldwide prevalence increases rapidly and especially in the developing nations. As per the most recent statistics, 400 million people worldwide, 29.1 million people in the US, 3.8 million people in the UK, and 1.2 million people in Australia suffer from diabetes, with 90% of which present with type II diabetes (T2D) (International Diabetes Federation, 2016; CDC, 2016; Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW), 2018; Public Health England, 2016). Type 2 diabetes is a lifestyle disease which can be prevented by lifestyle changes, in terms of changes in dietary habits and also increased physical activity. A number of studies have reported success in the reduction of T2D prevalence through the of lifestyle interventions (Gong, et al., 2011; Diabetes Prevention Program Outcomes Study Research Group, 2013). Weight control is central to the prevention and management of T2D independent of the dietary factor. Owing to the fact that obesity is a major risk factor for T2D, lifestyle interventions aimed at weight management are central to its prevention. Except for some Asian countries (China and India in particular), minimal research has been conducted so far on diabetes prevention programs in developing countries. A number of systematic reviews on this topic have been conducted so far, and they do not all reach the conclusion that there is enough data to recommend the use of lifestyle interventions as advocated for by diabetes prevention programmes currently. As such, this systematic review aims at addressing some questions: Among high risk groups, does combined diet and physical activity interventions have an impact on glycaemic control and the incidence of T2D? Does the patients age, sex or ethnicity affect their participation in combined diet and physical interventions and the resulting incidence of T2D? Does the nature of the trial (explanatory or pragmatic trial) influence the effect of combined diet and physical activity interventions on the participants? Aims of this review The questions outlined above spell the aim of this systematic review, which simply put, aims at synthesizing recent evidence from the past ten years on the effectiveness of lifestyle interventions in the management of weight in glycaemic control and eventually on the incidence of type II diabetes among adults. Search Strategy In order to identify all relevant studies on the effectiveness of lifestyle interventions in the management of weight in glycaemic control and eventually on the incidence of type II diabetes, a search will be conducted on the following electronic databases: CINAHL, MEDLINE, and Academic Search Complete. The search terms shown table 1 below will be used. The alternative keywords and phrases as identified using thesaurus, a search on Google Scholar followed by scanning of the results for alternative words and phrases, and lastly, the use of the US National Library of Medicines Medical Subject Headings (MeSH) search are shown in the third row and will be used accordingly. Patient or Population or Problem Intervention (or Exposure) Comparison Outcomes Type II Diabetes Diet Physical activity N/A Weight management Glycaemic control Incidence of type II diabetes Diabetes Mellitus Noninsulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus Type 2 Diabetes Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus Dietary Management Nutritional Management Diet Therapy Diet Habits Feeding Behaviour Nutritional Therapy - Exercise - Physical Education and Training N/A HBA1c blood sugar Weight reduction plan Diabetes mellitus incidence Incidence of diabetes mellitus Type II diabetes incidence Incidence of Noninsulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus The MeSH and other relevant terms as identified above will then be combined with Boolean operators AND and OR and used appropriately. This will lead to combinations such as (i) Type II Diabetes (title) OR Diabetes Mellitus (MeSH) OR Noninsulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (MeSH) OR Type 2 Diabetes (MeSH) OR Type 2 Diabetes Mellitus (MeSH) AND (ii) Diet (title) OR Dietary management (MeSH) OR Nutritional management (MeSH) OR diet therapy (MeSH) OR diet habits (title) OR Feeding Behaviour (MeSH) OR Nutritional therapy (MeSH) OR physical activity (title) OR exercise (MeSH) OR Physical Education and Training (MeSH) AND (iii) glyc##mic control (title) OR HBA1c or blood sugar OR weight management (title) OR weight reduction plan (MeSH) OR incidence of type II diabetes (title) OR diabetes mellitus incidence (MeSH) OR incidence of diabetes mellitus (MeSH) OR type II diabetes incidence (MeSH) OR incidence of Noninsulin-Dependent Diabetes Mellitus (MeSH) OR Maturity-Onset Diabetes Mellitus (MeS H). Truncation and wildcards will be used sparingly, with the following terms adult*, Diabet####, gly##mic. The search will be limited to studies that involved adults as participants. Additional searching will also be done on the reference lists from the identified relevant systematic reviews The results from the search will be imported to Endnote X7 to be assesses of relevance to the current review, duplicates and those not in English language will be removed. The remainder will be assessed by title alone, and the irrelevant ones will be removed. The abstracts of the remaining studies will then be assessed. The full texts of those that will remain will be examined against the following inclusion and exclusion criteria: Original research articles published in peer-reviewed journals. The study participants were adults (18 years and above), and classified to be at a high risk of developing the disease attributable to aggregation of risk factors such as obesity, impaired fasting glycaemia, gestational diabetes, or impaired glucose intolerance. The study will include the interventions of dietary modifications or physical activity or both for the prevention of the condition or weight management and control of obesity. Studies whose outcomes are weight management, glycaemic control, incidence of type II diabetes and other relevant outcomes. Studies published between January 2012 and December 2017. Studies that were only published in English and not translated from any language. The articles full text has to be accessible. Studies conducted both in the clinical and in an academic environment. The following will be the exclusion criteria: Duplicate copies of the same study Studies published in a language other than English Student thesis reports and studies published on company websites. Books or book chapters. Those studies that will have met the above inclusion and exclusion criteria for the review will be tabulated. Study quality assessment The quality of the identified documents will be then analysed. The quality will be based on three factors: internal validity, external validity, and bias. Study quality assessment will be conducted for the purposes of evaluating the validity of the identified studies. As reiterated by Staples and Niazi, (2007), it is quite challenging to determine the extent to which threats of validity have been addressed by the researchers. Therefore, the quality assessment has to be based on research paper structure criteria. For the current study, the assessment will be evaluated on structure: Introduction, Research Method, Results, Research Conduct and Ethical Concerns, and Conclusion. The researcher will evaluate whether each potential study answers the following questions. Does the papers introduction section provide an overview of diabetes, and lifestyle modifications? Does the study clearly describe the research methodology adopted? Are the study results defined in the paper? Are they helpful in answering the search questions developed for the current study? With regard to research conduct and ethical conduct, does the researcher uphold the research code of conduct in the region which the study was undertaken? Generally, the paper should outline how the research upheld the principles of; (a) honesty in communicating the research goals, methods and procedures, (b) reliability in performing the research and also communicating the results, (c) objectivity in interpretation and concluding on the facts and data arrived at, (d) impartiality and independence from interested parties or economic or financial interests, (e) openness and accessibility of the study and its materials, (f) duty of care for the study participants, (g) fairness in proper referencing and giving due credit to the work of others, (h) responsibility for future science generations (European Science Foundation:, 2017). On the conclusion section, does the paper report the findings (both positive and negative properly) And does it address the studys limitations? Search Results A search on MEDLINE with Full Text, CINAHL, and Academic Search Complete identified 372 results. A total of 90 duplicates were removed. Upon assessment of the titles and abstracts of the 282 remaining studies, another 27 studies were excluded, leaving 255 full-text articles for further review (figure 1 below). One (1) paper was further excluded as it had originally been published in Spanish, and even though it was re-published in English, it was excluded as per the current reviews inclusion and exclusion criteria. Out of the 254 remaining full-text articles, 158 were excluded. One article was excluded on the basis of just being a study protocol for a study in the future, 5 articles were excluded for not specifying the type of diabetes that was studied, another 8 studies had included subjects who had not made the cut-off age for the current study (18 years). Further, another 11 studies were not accessible, 45 were not peer-reviewed, 37 did not adopt a lifestyle-based intervention (die t or physical activity), another 26 did not meet this systematic reviews criteria, and the abstracts of another 25 studies did not contain adequate information to determine the inclusion criteria had been met. The 96 remaining studies recruited adult samples of 30 to 7,467 participants. The reported mean age was on average, 45 years (37 to 50 years). Female participants made up about 60%. the studies had adopted either diet or physical activity as the lifestyle interventions, and they measured the outcomes in terms of weight management, glycaemic control and incidence of type II diabetes mellitus. Risk of bias within studies The methodological aspect of the first ten included studies were assessed for risk of bias. The assessment was carried out as per the Cochrane collaborations tool for assessing risk of bias (Higgins, et al., 2011). As per the tool, the studies are assessed on 7 parts where there is the likelihood of bias. On the 7 domains, one is to respond with either a yes to indicate low risk, no to indicate significant risk, or unclear to indicate that there was not enough information to come up with the decision on the risk of bias. The median score was 7 (minimum -1, maximum 9); only three studies (Frank et al., 2014; Jacobs et al., 2015; Liubaoerjijin, Terada, Fletcher, Boul, 2016) were regarded as having a low risk of bias , five (Mandalazi, Drake, Wirflt, Orho-Melander, Sonestedt, 2016; Parajuli, Saleh, Thapa, Ali, 2014; Sangeetha et al., 2013; Shu, Chan, Huang, 2017; Yom-Tov et al., 2017) had moderate risk , while two (Grntved et al., 2014; Mikus, Oberlin, Libla, Boyle, Thyfault, 2012) were regarded as having high risk . References Alouki, K., Delisle, H., Bermdez-Tamayo, C., Johri, M. (2016). Lifestyle Interventions to Prevent Type 2 Diabetes: A Systematic Review of Economic Evaluation Studies. J Diabetes Res., 2159890. Australian Institute of Health and Welfare (AIHW). (2018, January 18). Diabetes. Retrieved from Australian Institute of Health and Welfare: https://www.aihw.gov.au/reports-statistics/health-conditions-disability-deaths/diabetes/overview CDC. (2016, July 25). Working to Reverse the US Epidemic: At A Glance 2016. Retrieved from Centers for Disease Control and Prevention: https://www.cdc.gov/chronicdisease/resources/publications/aag/diabetes.htm Diabetes Prevention Program Outcomes Study Research Group. (2013). Long-term effects of the Diabetes Prevention Program interventions on cardiovascular risk factors: a report from the DPP Outcomes Study. Diabet Med, 46-55. European Science Foundation: (2017). European Code of Conduct. Berlin: All European Academies. Frank, L. K., Krger, J., Schulze, M. B., Bedu-Addo, G., Mockenhaupt, F. P., Danquah, I. (2014). Dietary patterns in urban Ghana and risk of type 2 diabetes. The British Journal Of Nutrition, 112(1), 89-98. doi:10.1017/s000711451400052x Gong, Q., Gregg, E., Wang, J., An, Y., Zhang, P., Yang, W., . . . Bennett, P. (2011). Long-term effects of a randomised trial of a 6-year lifestyle intervention in impaired glucose tolerance on diabetes-related microvascular complications: The China Da Qing Diabetes Prevention Outcome Study. Diabetologia, 300-7. Grntved, A., Pan, A., Mekary, R. A., Stampfer, M., Willett, W. C., Manson, J. E., Hu, F. B. (2014). Muscle-strengthening and conditioning activities and risk of type 2 diabetes: a prospective study in two cohorts of US women. Plos Medicine, 11(1), e1001587-e1001587. doi:10.1371/journal.pmed.1001587 Higgins, J. P., D. G., Gtzsche, P. C., Jni, P., Moher, D., Oxman, A. D. (2011). The Cochrane Collaborations tool for assessing risk of bias in randomised trials. BMJ, d5928. International Diabetes Federation. (2016). Facts and Figures. Retrieved from International Diabetes Federation: https://www.idf.org/WDD15-guide/facts-and-figures.html Jacobs, S., Harmon, B. E., Boushey, C. J., Morimoto, Y., Wilkens, L. R., Le Marchand, L., . . . Maskarinec, G. (2015). A priori-defined diet quality indexes and risk of type 2 diabetes: the Multiethnic Cohort. Diabetologia, 58(1), 98-112. doi:10.1007/s00125-014-3404-8 Liubaoerjijin, Y., Terada, T., Fletcher, K., Boul, N. G. (2016). Effect of aerobic exercise intensity on glycemic control in type 2 diabetes: a meta-analysis of head-to-head randomized trials. Acta Diabetologica, 53(5), 769-781. doi:10.1007/s00592-016-0870-0 Mandalazi, E., Drake, I., Wirflt, E., Orho-Melander, M., Sonestedt, E. (2016). A High Diet Quality Based on Dietary Recommendations Is Not Associated with Lower Incidence of Type 2 Diabetes in the Malm Diet and Cancer Cohort. International Journal Of Molecular Sciences, 17(6). doi:10.3390/ijms17060901 Mikus, C. R., Oberlin, D. J., Libla, J., Boyle, L. J., Thyfault, J. P. (2012). Glycaemic control is improved by 7 days of aerobic exercise training in patients with type 2 diabetes. Diabetologia, 55(5), 1417-1423. doi:10.1007/s00125-012-2490-8 Parajuli, J., Saleh, F., Thapa, N., Ali, L. 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